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摘要
摘要
This book argues that any strategy for dealing with Pakistan requires an understanding of the country¿s complex and turbulent history and of the weaknesses of its political and other institutions. It describes how, in the absence of an inherent national identity, successive military and civilian governments have made use of Islam and Kashmir, ¿the unfinished business of Partition¿, for political purposes. It also examines the role of the army and of its intelligence service, the ISI, in relation to India, Afghanistan and internal political manipulation.
The nature and history of the tribal regions in Pakistan and Afghanistan, which are little understood in the West and which explain much of the animosity towards the US, are also described in detail.
After 9/11, Pakistan's support for counter-terrorism and military operations in Afghanistan increased the population¿s animosity towards the West and hence the government¿s difficulties in delivering. Meanwhile, the military leadership hedged its bets by maintaining links with militant organisations and with a re-emerged Taliban. With the arrival of an elected leadership, the emergence of simultaneous political, economic and security crises, tactical errors by the West, and the Mumbai terrorist attacks in late 2008, the situation was complicated further.
The book concludes with recommendations, aimed particularly at the new US administration, for a durable long-term relationship with Pakistan, entailing increased attention and resources devoted to institution-building and, over time, the reduction of the role and influence of the army.
评论 (1)
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This brief and easily accessible book opens the discussion about the future of Pakistan, which is much needed in terms of global peace. However, Synnott (senior consulting fellow, International Institute for Strategic Studies, UK) proclaims that he does not presume to give definitive answers to the many questions asked but hopes only to provide material for others to be able to form judgments. Therein perhaps is the biggest problem with the work: it simply does not provide much depth or rigorous investigation, almost as if it wishes to be merely a frame in which other scholars and investigators can then place more substantive treatises. The writing style, though certainly accessible, is perhaps too elementary in places, giving it a readability that at times is too simplistic. The book is organized efficiently, and themes are cogently presented, but the material is all dealt with in fewer than 200 pages set in a larger-than-normal font for an academic-type work. This again drives home the point that this book is an appetizer. Those seeking an entree with more gravitas will have to find another work or pursue its development themselves. Summing Up: Recommended. General readers and lower-division undergraduates. M. D. Crosston College of Arts and Sciences
目录
Regional maps | p. 7 |
Pakistan | p. 7 |
Pakistan and its neighbours | p. 8 |
NWFP, the FATA and the Northern Areas | p. 9 |
Kashmir | p. 10 |
Introduction | p. 11 |
Chapter 1 The Nature of Pakistan | p. 17 |
The difficulties of nation-building | p. 17 |
The provinces | p. 22 |
The army and politics | p. 24 |
The political use of religious parties and militants | p. 25 |
An alliance in Afghanistan | p. 27 |
The alliance breaks down: the Taliban emerges | p. 31 |
Politics in the 1990s: between two generals | p. 40 |
The Musharraf era: early reforms | p. 52 |
The ISI | p. 57 |
Chapter 2 Pakistan After 9/11 | p. 63 |
Uncertain allegiances | p. 63 |
Musharraf's decline and fall | p. 71 |
Zardari takes the reins | p. 78 |
Economic troubles | p. 80 |
'Talibanisation' spreads into Pakistan | p. 85 |
The US response | p. 88 |
Pakistani action against militants | p. 90 |
The nuclear issue | p. 94 |
Chapter 3 Internal Conflicts | p. 99 |
The tribal regions | p. 99 |
'Pashtunwali': the Pashtun tribal code | p. 107 |
The FATA today | p. 111 |
Plans for a way forward | p. 116 |
Baluchistan | p. 119 |
Chapter 4 Regional Relationships: India, China, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf | p. 129 |
India | p. 129 |
China | p. 148 |
Saudi Arabia and the Gulf | p. 153 |
Conclusion: Prospects and Policies | p. 159 |
The ultimate objective | p. 159 |
A false alternative | p. 166 |
Operational objectives | p. 168 |
Possible obstacles | p. 175 |
International support | p. 178 |
Glossary | p. 183 |
Notes | p. 185 |